With their Enlightenment rhetoric and their balance between topics of socio-political and literary interest, the anonymous contributors held the interest of the educated classes in Italy, introducing recent thought such as that of Voltaire and Denis Diderot.
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Indeed, citizens with alternative views of "what America is and ought to be" seem to be waging a great American gun war. Those concerned with collective rights and communal responsibilities, in contrast, emphasize the "well regulated Militia" phrase in their attempt to gain restrictive gun legislation.
Each group rests its case upon an appeal to history. In fact, both sides frequently draw upon the same historical data to support opposing views. Attitudes toward an armed citizenry in that time had roots in classical philosophy, but drew most fully upon a tradition of "republicanism" received from Niccolo Machiavelli through such intermediaries as James Harrington and James Burgh.
In this belief system the collective right to arms was not antithetic to that of the individual, but rather inclusive of it, indeed, deduced from it. This integration of the individual and the community has escaped modern antagonists, but it is essential to understanding the second amendment and the role of the armed citizen in the early republic.
This article analyzes the influence of republican ideas in the political culture of early America.
By focusing on arms, the individual, and society from an eighteenth-century perspective rather than a twentieth-century one, it attempts to recapture the relationship between the individual and the community characteristic of the early republic.
Such an approach should provide useful insights into the beliefs of the founders, the intent of the second amendment, and the legacy of the nineteenth century to the modern gun controversy.
II The Relationship Between Arms and Society in Republican Theory Within the last several decades scholars have recognized the centrality of republicanism, a distinctive universe of ideas and beliefs drawn primarily from the libertarian thought of the English commonwealthmen, in shaping the attitudes of late eighteenth-century Americans.
There is an equally important theme, however, which has largely been ignored except for the work of Pocock: To Machiavelli the economic independence of the citizen and his ability and willingness to become a warrior were the most dependable protections against corruption. From these basic ideas he fashioned a sociology of liberty dependent upon the place of arms in society: Political conditions must allow every citizen to have arms; moral conditions must encourage all citizens to defend their republic with enthusiasm; and economic conditions must guarantee the citizen-soldier a livelihood upon leaving the army.
To prevent some citizens from possessing arms while allowing others this privilege constituted both a grievous breach of personal freedom and the erosion of a vital safeguard against tyranny.
The same themes surfaced antithetically in the philosophy of the French absolutist Jean Bodin. To him the widespread ownership of arms constituted an essential difference between the authoritarian monarchy he favored and popular government.
Monarchs, on the other hand, only risked disaster by allowing commoners to arm: Believing that a republic thrived only if its citizens were familiar with the use of arms, Nedham felt that the popular possession of arms was no less indispensable than the regular election of magistrates and representatives.
Moreover, he also defined the virtuous citizen in terms of his possession of arms and his self-reliant willingness to use them in defense of self, liberty, and property.
From Harrington, libertarians came to conceptualize civic virtue in terms of the armed freeholder: John Trenchard and Walter Moyle, in an attack upon standing armies, elaborated upon the theme that citizens must jealously guard their liberties.
Free nations, they warned, never maintained "any Soldiers in constant Pay within their Cities, or even suffered any of their Subjects to make War their Profession.
Without this ability citizens might lose their liberties and live in tyranny. It is a War of one Side, and in it there is neither Peace nor Truce. This belief became manifest in observations by Cesare Beccaria and Thomas Paine. In his discussion of the "false ideas of utility,"  Beccaria expounded upon the wrongheaded nature of laws disarming the populace.
He concluded that "such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence than an armed man. Demanding their rights as British citizens, "to whom the privilege of possessing arms is expressly recognized by the Bill of Rights,"  Bostonians claimed that it was a natural Right which the people have reserved to themselves, confirmed by the Bill of Rights, to keep arms for their own defence; and as Mr.
Blackstone observes, it is to be made use of when the sanctions of Society and law are found insufficient to restrain the violence of oppression.Torture (from Latin tortus: to twist, to torment) is the act of deliberately inflicting severe physical or psychological suffering on someone by another as a punishment or in order to fulfill some desire of the torturer or force some action from the victim.
Torture, by definition, is a knowing and intentional act; deeds which unknowingly or negligently inflict suffering or pain, without a. Of Crimes and Punishments. Cesare Bonesana, Marchese Beccaria, Originally published in Italian in On Crimes and Punishments (Italian: Dei delitti e delle pene [dei deˈlitti e ddelle ˈpeːne]), is a treatise written by Cesare Beccaria in The treatise condemned torture and the death penalty and was a founding work in the field of penology.
The passage is from Cesare Beccaria's Essay on Crimes and Punishments, originally published in Italian in It appears in Jefferson's commonplace book as follows. Italian literature - 17th-century literature: The 17th century in Italian literature was traditionally described as a period of “decadence” in which writers who were devoid of sentiment resorted to exaggeration and tried to cloak the poverty of their subject matter beneath an exuberance of form.
(In this period, it is said, freedom of thought and expression was fettered by the Counter. Law & Contemporary Problems; What the Framers Intended: A Linguistic Analysis of the Right To 'Bear Arms', by Stephen P.